Britain's crisis is not just about investment, but also about upkeep. The recent fiasco over the accidental release of Hadush Kebatu highlights a deeper problem: the British state has built and continues to build, but struggles to maintain its services.
A decade of austerity has left public services on life support. Under the Conservative government, state spending grew by just 1% a year, significantly lower than the long-run trend of 2.6%. This hidden agenda of capital spending has sent ministers scrambling for cash, but failing to keep the essentials running. Investment without maintenance is decay – and Britain's public services are showing signs of irreversible damage.
The justice system, in particular, has been decimated under Tory austerity. Prison budgets were cut by a quarter, and staff numbers plummeted by 30%. The result is a "slow-motion collapse" of the service, as Cassia Rowland of the Institute for Government noted. The consequences are stark: 262 mistaken releases last year – more than double that in 2023 and quadruple that in 2014.
Ministers' proposed solution is to build more prisons, but this won't be enough. Where will the money come from to staff them properly? Even if additional jails are built, it's unlikely they'll solve the underlying problem of a system in disarray.
The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), once a bastion of austerity, seems to be shifting its stance. It has begun to recognize that public investment can pay for itself and is no longer assuming that there is no slack in the UK economy. In reality, investing in public services won't displace private spending; it will boost overall output.
The OBR's new perspective suggests a rethink of its earlier "cheeseparing" approach to fiscal policy. It's time for the government to invest in the essential services that underpin our society – not just throw money at short-term fixes or build more prisons without considering the long-term consequences.
Britain's productivity trap is partly due to a lack of investment and maintenance. The crash of 2008 saw firms stop spending, and uncertainty has kept them reluctant to start again. Since 2010, both public and private capital expenditure has stuttered – leaving Britain stuck in a low-productivity rut.
If the OBR can adapt its approach and take on a more proactive role, it could become a valuable tool for policymakers. It should quantify the cost of understaffed services, clogged hospitals, and councils that struggle to cope. The evidence is there – but it needs to be acknowledged and addressed.
A decade of austerity has left public services on life support. Under the Conservative government, state spending grew by just 1% a year, significantly lower than the long-run trend of 2.6%. This hidden agenda of capital spending has sent ministers scrambling for cash, but failing to keep the essentials running. Investment without maintenance is decay – and Britain's public services are showing signs of irreversible damage.
The justice system, in particular, has been decimated under Tory austerity. Prison budgets were cut by a quarter, and staff numbers plummeted by 30%. The result is a "slow-motion collapse" of the service, as Cassia Rowland of the Institute for Government noted. The consequences are stark: 262 mistaken releases last year – more than double that in 2023 and quadruple that in 2014.
Ministers' proposed solution is to build more prisons, but this won't be enough. Where will the money come from to staff them properly? Even if additional jails are built, it's unlikely they'll solve the underlying problem of a system in disarray.
The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR), once a bastion of austerity, seems to be shifting its stance. It has begun to recognize that public investment can pay for itself and is no longer assuming that there is no slack in the UK economy. In reality, investing in public services won't displace private spending; it will boost overall output.
The OBR's new perspective suggests a rethink of its earlier "cheeseparing" approach to fiscal policy. It's time for the government to invest in the essential services that underpin our society – not just throw money at short-term fixes or build more prisons without considering the long-term consequences.
Britain's productivity trap is partly due to a lack of investment and maintenance. The crash of 2008 saw firms stop spending, and uncertainty has kept them reluctant to start again. Since 2010, both public and private capital expenditure has stuttered – leaving Britain stuck in a low-productivity rut.
If the OBR can adapt its approach and take on a more proactive role, it could become a valuable tool for policymakers. It should quantify the cost of understaffed services, clogged hospitals, and councils that struggle to cope. The evidence is there – but it needs to be acknowledged and addressed.