The West's greatest challenge may not be terrorism or pandemics, but rather its own internal decay. The democratic model, once touted as universal and irreversible, is now under assault from within and without. The Trump administration's National Security Strategy has declared war on Europe, framing the continent's values as a threat to American interests.
The rise of populism, fueled by social media algorithms that amplify anger and polarization over rational discourse, has created a perfect storm for authoritarianism. The erosion of human rights protections, subjugation of the judiciary, and intimidation of independent journalism have become commonplace.
The "inequality emergency" – a lack of affordable housing, universal quality education and healthcare, and security of employment – has alienated many young and working-class people from democracy. This has led to the resurgence of illiberalism and authoritarianism, as those who feel left behind turn to extremist ideologies.
To fight back against this onslaught, some argue that Europe must speed up enforcing its existing digital laws to regulate tech giants. However, enforcement is hindered by the rule of law, which prioritizes due process over swift action. The European Commission has issued preliminary findings against major tech companies but faces resistance from member states and entrenched interests.
Others point to addressing people's basic needs – affordable housing, well-paid jobs, and effective public services – as a way to preserve liberal democracy. However, solutions reside at the national and local level, making it difficult to deliver quickly due to planning regulations, nimbyism, and cost.
Democracy campaigners propose appealing to public fears by depicting populists as a danger to European values and prosperity. They suggest that liberals must start behaving as if they're in an existential fight, attacking the other side's weaknesses and disdain for the people. However, this approach has limited success, as exposing past corruption or highlighting inconsistencies in extremist platforms hasn't swayed their popularity.
Some argue that simply doing politics better, learning from extremist campaigns, is key to saving liberal democracies. Grasroots activism, like Emmanuel Macron's successful use of grassroots mobilization in his rise to the French presidency, might be a promising approach. However, centrist populism can also backfire, especially for parties with a history of coalition governments.
For now, the tide seems to be flowing strongly against liberal democracies in Europe. As one senior visiting fellow at the European Policy Centre noted, "We're not doing anything offensive, attacking the other side's weaknesses, their disdain for the people." Perhaps it's time for liberals to take a more aggressive approach to defend their values and way of life.
The rise of populism, fueled by social media algorithms that amplify anger and polarization over rational discourse, has created a perfect storm for authoritarianism. The erosion of human rights protections, subjugation of the judiciary, and intimidation of independent journalism have become commonplace.
The "inequality emergency" – a lack of affordable housing, universal quality education and healthcare, and security of employment – has alienated many young and working-class people from democracy. This has led to the resurgence of illiberalism and authoritarianism, as those who feel left behind turn to extremist ideologies.
To fight back against this onslaught, some argue that Europe must speed up enforcing its existing digital laws to regulate tech giants. However, enforcement is hindered by the rule of law, which prioritizes due process over swift action. The European Commission has issued preliminary findings against major tech companies but faces resistance from member states and entrenched interests.
Others point to addressing people's basic needs – affordable housing, well-paid jobs, and effective public services – as a way to preserve liberal democracy. However, solutions reside at the national and local level, making it difficult to deliver quickly due to planning regulations, nimbyism, and cost.
Democracy campaigners propose appealing to public fears by depicting populists as a danger to European values and prosperity. They suggest that liberals must start behaving as if they're in an existential fight, attacking the other side's weaknesses and disdain for the people. However, this approach has limited success, as exposing past corruption or highlighting inconsistencies in extremist platforms hasn't swayed their popularity.
Some argue that simply doing politics better, learning from extremist campaigns, is key to saving liberal democracies. Grasroots activism, like Emmanuel Macron's successful use of grassroots mobilization in his rise to the French presidency, might be a promising approach. However, centrist populism can also backfire, especially for parties with a history of coalition governments.
For now, the tide seems to be flowing strongly against liberal democracies in Europe. As one senior visiting fellow at the European Policy Centre noted, "We're not doing anything offensive, attacking the other side's weaknesses, their disdain for the people." Perhaps it's time for liberals to take a more aggressive approach to defend their values and way of life.